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MR. YOVNG, 



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LEGISLATURE OP NEW-YORK, 

FEBRUARY, 1814. 



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Jk NEW YORK : 

' pjRijrrED Br e, coj^rad, 

NO. 4, FRANKFORT-STREET, 
PIBECTLT OPPOSITE TAMMANT-HAtt. 



1814. 



Speech of M\ Youngs 

OF SARATOGA, ON THE PROPOSED AN 

SWER TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH, 

IN COMJMJTTEE OF THE WHOLE. 



MR. CHAIRMAN, 

I CANNOT reconcile it to my feelings, nor to the duty I owe ir,y crtn- 
stitnents, to give a mere silent vote on the question now before the com- 
mittee. Tlie proposed address contains sentiments against which I fee! coii- 
Strained to enter my most solemn protest. — What but a sincere disposition 
for peace conld have induced the American government to sufliBr from Great 
Britain, for a long series of years, an accumulation of wrongs, injuries and 
outrages, unprecedented in the history of nations? If, sir, the government 
had felt the least iHclined to war, opportunities have not been wanting 
ill which it might long since hare been declared, consistent with the spon- 
taneous and almost united feelings of the American people. The destruc- 
tive operation, on our commerce^ of wliat is termed the rule of '56, of 
paper blockades and orders in council, the actual blockade of our ports 
imd harbors, the murder of Pierce, the attack on the Chesapeake and the 
disavowal of Erskine's arrangement, furnished occasions, on at least some 
of which our government was loudly called on to resist British aggressions, 
by the very men who now so bitterly oppose the war. 

No man in this committee can have forgotten the strong language in 
which many of the merchants and ship owners in our principal seaports me- 
morialized congress, on feeling the sweeping effects of Biitish commercial 
restrictions. No man can have forgotten that they pledocd themselves, in 
the most solemn manner, to support the government of the United States 
in any stand it might deem proper to take, in opposing the rapine and vio- 
lence of Great Britain. 

The attack on the Chesapeake, also, excited one universal burst of 
public indignation. Even the murder of Pierce, one solitary tailor, created 
then more sympathetic indignation in the opposers of the administratiuii. 
than the same men now appear to feel at the impressment, slavery and 
wretchedness of thousands. 

I hold in my hand, sir, certain resolutions adopted on that occasion, 
by a meeting in the city of New- York, of which CorneUus Ray was chair- 
man, and Saraue! Boyd Secretary, These vcsolntinnv" were reported lo 



the meeting bj a. committee, consisting of Rufus King, Ebcnezer Stevcos, 
Oliver Wolcott, William W. Woolsey and William Henderson. 

Two of them are as follows : 

" Resolved, That the murder of John Pierce, one of our fellow citizens, 
by a shot from a British ship of war, at the entrance of our harbor and 
within half a mile of the shore, while he was engaged in peaceably navi- 
gating a coasting vessel laden with provisions for our market, was an act 
that excites our detestation and abhorrence, and calls upon our government 
for the adoption of prompt andvigorous measures to prevent a repetition 
of such wanton and inhuman conduct, and so flagrant a violation of our 
national sovereignty." 

" Resolved, That this meeting approve the conduct of those persons 
ivho intercepted the supplies which were sent from this city to thos© ves* 
csels who now blockade our harbor, and who have murdered our fellow citi- 
zen John Pierce." 

If our Government had not felt a sincere disposition for peace, before 
the declaration of war, why. I would ask, did they not seize on some of 
these favorable moments to declare war against Great Britain ? 

Since the declaration of war the pacific disposition of our government 
has been equally manifest. The law of congress which prohibits, on cer- 
tain conditions, the employment of foreign seamen ou board our public or 
private ships, and the promptness with which our government have met 
every olfer of negociation, are to my mind incontestible proofs of such a 
<iisposition ; and I must be permitted to say, that the insinuation that our 
government have ortered to negociate merely for the purpose of obtaining 
Joans to carry on the war, would have come with a much better grace 
from a member of the British parliament, than from the chainnan of the 
committee (Mr. D. B. Ogden) who drafted the address. 

Again, sir, the Address on our table deems it matter of congratula- 
tion, that the Prince Regent is ready to make a treaty of peace with the 
American government upon principles of public law, and consistent with 
the maritime rights of England. And is it a matter of congratulation with 
an American legislature, that we can make peace with Great Britain, con- 
sistent with what she calls her maritime rights '.' Before we sanctify the 
haughty pretentions of England by the sacred name of " rights," let us for 
a moment consider their practical operation ; for it is the practical operation 
of a principle that furnishes its only proper and legitimate test. What 
then is the practical operation of what are termed the maritime rights of 
England ? It is sir, to impress and enslave thousands of our seamen, and 
at pleasure to sweep our commerce from the ocean I It is to commit spolia- 
tions upon us, boundless in extent and endless in duration ! No adminis- 
tration of the American goverinnent has ever yet consented to sanction such 
a preposterous principle. To establish this position, I be«; leave to read 
several extracts Irom a correspond* nee between the American and Biitish 
governments. [Here Mr. Young read several cotnmunications, and referred 
to orders hetiveeii the two governments on the subject of impressment com- 
viencing as early ay 1792, and ending in \oV2. He tiien proceeded as fol- 
ions :'\ From the doenmcnts I have read and referred lo it appears, ihat 
so long ago as 1792, the practice of impressment was deemed by presi<ient 
Washington an intolerable grievance : that our goveannent, from time to 
time, remonstrated against it in the most pointed manner ; that tliey re- 
peatedly inCurnu'd tlie British government, tiiat the pra< trie could not 
be tolerated ; that it would inevitably produce dLsiord between the two 
nations; that if persevered in, it would excite against Great Britain the 
well founded reiifiutiueut of America, and force our govcniuient into mea- 



5 

stires which might terminate in an open rupture ; that tlje tonduct of the 
British government, so long ago as 1791!, ia making professions of res},>ect 
to the rights of our citizen:-, and yet denying tiie oniy nitJiins of ascer- 
taining tliose rights, amounted, ici the language of secretary Pickering, 
to '• an insulting tantalism" — that our government repcat&diy offered to 
enter into any reasonable accommodation on the subject, and that these 
offers were nsver accepted — and that instead of desisting from the pr.icticij, 
cases of impressment have yearly inulLiplied, so that in IHIJ upwards of titKJO 
impressed Americans were in the Britisii service. 

I would now a'<k, sir, what conciliatory measures has Great Britain 
adopted since thp year 179F, to sootli the wounded pride or calm tlic indig- 
nant feelings of the party tlien in power ? Are such measures to be found 
in the increase of the practice of ijnpressment, the destruction of our com- 
merce, the blockade of our harbors in. time of peace, the murder of Pierce, 
the attack on the Chesapeake, or the disavowal of Erskine's arrar.gement ? 
Or in the ruthless and exterminating mode in which she carries on the 
present war ? Or have our sailors, by their late achievements, rendered 
themselves less deserv ing the protection of the American government than 
they were in the days of Washington and Adams ? 

On the subject of impressment, I confess, I feel some sensibility. The 
town in wliich 1 reside is situated about 200 miles from the ocean. I know 
of but two young men who have left that town with a view of becoming 
sailors ; the one by the name of Piamsey, son of a revolutionary olBc^er, and 
the other by the name of Robertson, the son of an old and respectable in- 
habitant of that town. Both of these men were impressed into the British 
service. The iirst, after three years servitude, escaped at the peril of his 
life by swimming. But the fate of the other was still more severe. After 
•even years of relentless and unrequited slavery, to fill his cup of bitterness 
to the briin, he among othere was selected and landed at Hampton, as an 
instrument to inliict British vengeance on his countrymen — to burn, to piuii- 
der, to murder the defenceless in cold blood, to violate unprotected females ; 
in short, sir, to commit ravage, at the bare mention of which tiie heart 
of civilized man recoils with horror. But he disappointed the expecta- 
tion of his ciuel tyrants. The moment liis foot was hrmly fixed on Ame- 
rican soil, his heart palpitated v.ilh joy at the prospect of his d'jliveranct. 
Ke made a bold eflbrt to escape and that efibrt, thank Heaven, was crown- 
ed with success. Helirmly reached his fatJicr and friends ; (liis mother was 
no' more ;) that father and friends who had long since, in imagination, con- 
signed him to the tomb. 

Sir, I mean nothing derogatory to the Kcntleman from New-York ^Mr. 
D. B. Ogden) wlien 1 adopt the supposition that some of his children or dr- 
sceudauts may become sailors, and may be inipres.ied into the Pritisli sti- 
Tice, provided the practice is continued. If some tAt or Bt> y< ars iionce 
he could revisit this earth, and participate in the cares and concerns of 
the living, with what emotions would he belit)ld one of his linta! descendants 
in slavery and chains ? With what agon!'ii,iiig sensations would he hear the 
wretched captive repeat the sad story of his sufJt rings and his woes/ Hv-^v 
would ho bear the just reproaches of the victim of imprcssmcnL — thcvictiiJi 
of " the maritime rights of England .'" 

Tlie practice of impressment cannot be defended by tlie laws of eilher 
God or m;in. For what purpose do we enter into so«iety .' Why, on enter- 
ing into the social compact, do mankind give up a pait of tl;eir n.^lriai 
rights ? It is for the purpose of being [)rotected in the enjoymeni of tii< it - 
mainder. Prelection and allegiance. are reciprocal ; they are jijutualiy the 
price of each otlier. The principal duty of the gov<rumont towurils u.e 



6 



citizen is protection ; and in return for this, the citizen owes allegiantis. 
If, sir. OTU- "overnment ever concedes to Cieat Britain, ihe exercise of wha< 
this ad.lrcss" terms Jicr "' maritime rights," every A liiencan who goes on ship 
board must depend, for the enjoyment of liberty and life, not on the pro- 
tection of his own government, but on the " tender mercies" cf British 
pre»s-gangs. Whenever this state of things exists; whenever our rulers 
shall have so far abandoned the only legitimate object of government, I, 
for one, shall consider myself absolved from ail aliegiance. 

I have examined history, with a view of ascertaining whether any inde- 
pendent nation ever submitted to aggressions, similar to those practised on 
us for a series of years by the British government ; and 1 confidently assert, 
that such an instance of submission cannot be found in the annals of the 
world. In 1793, a convention was entered into at Pardo, between the 
governments of Spain and Great Britain, by whieh the former agreed to 
pay the sri);jtctsof the hitter 95,000 pounds sterling, as an indemnificatioH 
for losses in consefjueuce of seizures made by guarda costas, which had been 
(Stationed on the coast of South America to stop the contraband trade, 
and which had stopped many vessels that had a legal destination, and hafl 
even treated the seamen with cruelty. But as no provision was made by 
the convention aaainst future violences, the grand question, " Whether 
British vessels navigating the American seas, should be any where or under 
any circumstances subject to search?" being left to be discussed by a con- 
gress, the inierests of the country were supposed to be bcaayed, and the 
whole nation was thrown into a ferment. Petitions against the conven- 
J Ion were sent tVom alt tiie principal trading towns in the kingdom, and the 
i.niversai ontcrv was, " a I'ree sea, or a war I" Sir Robert Walpole, th»^ 
inhiister, found'himself under the necessity of resigning, or of yielding 1(» 
I he voice of the nation. 'I'he event was, war was declared against Sjmin. 
8uch was the spirit of the Knglish nation, on suf&ring aggressions from 
Sr pain, which, when compared with the injuries inflicted on us by Great Bri- 
tain, dwindle into insignificance. . Of all the wars in which England has 
been engaced. no one was ever more loudly called ibr, by the people, than 
niis. .VJany in tins countrv boast of being descended from Great Britain — 
v,onld to God that such w'ould act worthy of their ancestors— that they 
would feel some sn.ali share of that national pride and national honor whicJi 
t heir forelather- have so often manifested. 

But, sir, this address sarcastically states, that we have as much cause 
of oride as it was reasonable to hope for, taking into consideration the un- 
prepared state, A.C-. a!id the characters of most of the men appointed to con- 
duct tae war. The fair construction of this sentence conveys a bitter 
sarcasm asainst most of our militaiy oiiicers. It was not to have been 
expected, tiiat alter thirty vears of peace and duexampled i>rosperity, tho 
\merican people could at once assume a military attitude— that they could 
suddf^ulv become as well versed in the art of war as Great Britam, whose 
princioal business for the list two centuries has been bloodshed and slaugh- 
ter a^id who has fer several ages, rioted on the spoils and miseries oi 
ni:''n'-ind But our oiiicers collectively taken, areas brave and well »|ua- 
lified r.s were ever selected in any country, alter so long an indulgence m 
the lap of peace. Thev have on many occasions .e>;hibited instances oi 
eonra-re and conduct, bc'vond which the most experienced vciterans would 
not as-pire. Not but that an instance might possibly be lound in winch an 
oir.cer has disgraced his profession ami his country ; in which he has shown 
no mcliuatioir for fighting, no disposition for war ; in which, sir, he hi^ 
<'iven uneciuivocal proof that he belongs to the I'K-^ce tautv. 



Another otijection to the proposed address, is to be found in that paif 
of it which casts a stigma ou our troops for burning Newark, "and turn- 
ing hundreds of men, women and children, without a ho«ie and without a 
covering, into an inhospitalile wihterness, at a most inclement season ol^ 
the year." — This part ol' the address, sir, appears to have been copied from 
the proclamation of Provost, the Governor of Canada. 31y objection ti> 
it is, that it is entirely unfounded in point of fact. I am authorized by two 
members of this house, (Messrs. AVarner and Cruger) to state, that they 
were at Fort George when Newark was destroyed, and not above twelve, or 
at most fdteen Canadian families inhabited that village, at or inmiediately 
preceding its conflagration ; and that these I'amilies were oilerod support and 
protection if they would cross over to the American shore, which oHiir seve- 
ral of them accepted. I am further authorized to .state by one of these gen- 
tlemen, (Mr. Cruger) who was an oUicer at Fort George, and who was 
consulted on the propriety of burning Newark, that the few inhabitants 
who were in the village at the time that measure was determined on, were 
warned to leave it, and that our troops assisted in removing their effects. 
That the reason why the village was destroyed was to prevent its becoming 
a lodgment for the enemy, from whence they might annoy our frontier. 

But, sir. since the mode of carrying on the war has been at all alluded 
to in this address, I wish some little indignation had been shown at the 
conduct of the enemy. I should have been pleased, sir, if the burning 
of French Town and Havre de Grace, the rapes, murders and pillage at. 
Hampton, the horrid barbarities at the River Raisin and other places, and 
the tomahawking, and scalping of hundreds of our defenceless women and 
children, had excited as much sensibility in the Committee who drafted the 
address, as the inconvenience sustained by half a dozen Canadian families 
in being deprived of their dwellings. I have now, sir, mentioned a few of 
my objections to the proposed address — objections which I trust will not be 
disregarded by the Committee. But before I sit down, I beg leave to 
take notice of some very extraordinary observations made by the gentleman 
from New-York, (3Ir. D. B. Ogden.) — That gentleman, sir, in the course 
of his remarks, attempted to assimilate the supporters of the present war 
to the tories of the revolution. Vain and ineffectual attempt ! The to- 
nes of the revolution were the advocates of Great Britain ; they declared 
that the British government was right, and that America was wrong ; that 
the war was cruel, unjust and unnecessary ; that England had a right to 
tax the Colonies, and that it was their duty to submit ; that three pence 
per pound on tea, and the theoretical right of taxing the Colonies in all 
cases whatsoever, were trifling grievances when compared with the mise- 
ries of war ; that the war would cost a great deal of blood and treasure, 
and that its objects could never be obtained; that Great Britain was a 
powerful and proud nation, and would never acknowledge the indepen- 
dence of her Colonies ; that the war had totally destroyed that prosperity 
and trade which the Colonies had previously enjoyed ; and that on the 
score of interest, it was far better to submit to the mother country, and 
again enjoy the blessings of commerce and peace. 

Such, sir, were the doctrines propagated by the tories in the revolu- 
tionary war ; such were the principles w hicli they taught their children — 
principles which some of their sons* have not forgotten to this day. But 
these principles, thank God, did not then succeed. Had they prevailed, 
the man, whoever he might be, who should now occupy the chair to pre- 
side over the deliberations of this assembly, might sit in all the mock ma- 

•■ Looking at Messrs, Ogdeo and Joaei, of NeTy-York, 



8 



jesty oF oolotiial vassahi^e, with a human scalp suspeiKled over his head ! A 
'hiiniiiii scalp, sir, as an emblem to nidicate that Great Britain is the world's 
last iiope, the friend and protector of suffering humanity and the bulwark of 
our religion ! I am astonished, sir, when I hear any man who applauds the 
spirit of our lathers in the revolution, who approves their struggle a2;ainst 
tiic oppression of Great Britain, pronounce the present war *' unjust." 
The United States were then Colonies, and bound to yield obedience and 
submission to every constitutional claim of the parent state. — A duty of 
three pence per pound on tea, was I think, the only actual grievance, which 
immediately affected the great body of the patriots of that day. And yet. 
sir, without dicipline, without the munitions of war, and without half the 
numerical force which America now contains, they bid defiance to this 
proiid oppressor. No partry motives of self interest, of commercial ad- 
vantage, of present profit or present enjoyment, found place in their de- 
liberations. — They looked forward to the emancipation of their country 
from British injustice, as an ample reward for all their dangers, privatioDs 
and toils ; and it is owing to their achievements that we now claim to be 
an independent nation. And how, sir, shall we emulate their virtues ? 
This surely cannot be effected by receding from the present contest, by 
humbling ourselves at the foot stool of Great Britain, and tamely sub- 
mitting to injuries more humiliating and disgraceful than the wrongs which 
roused her Colonies to arms. For it is an undeniable truth, that tor a long 
time previous to the declaration of war, we had sufiered outrages and ag- 
gressions from Great Britain, of a more aggravating and intolerable kind, 
than she inflicted on her colonies in '75 : and if future generations are as- 
tonished at the proud spirit of our fathers, they will regard with equal 
amazement the long and patient sufferance of their sons. 






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